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The Journal of South Asian Non-Proliferation

October, 2008


Editorial Staff
Maria Sultan, Editor-in-Chief
 Nick Robson, Research & Production

 

 

 

The Journal of South Asian Non-Proliferation is an online compendium of non-proliferation related publications.
It is a periodic compilation of news, official statements, and expert analyses related to South Asian non-proliferation issues.

 


 


 

Supporting worldwide understanding of South Asian non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament issues.

 


The Journal of South Asian Non-Proliferation
is a Product of the South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI)

 


CONTENTS 

NUCLEAR RELATED ISSUES

Pakistan should convince world to sign nuclear deal like India.

Iran criticizes US-India nuclear deal.

Airforce punishes generals after nuclear arms review.

Rice: US-India nuclear deal to be signed soon.

It is not suitable for Iran to withdraw from the nuclear non-proliferation treaty.

Chinese official: Challenges ahead in peaceful use of nuclear energy.

IAEA calls for non-nuclear Mideast in heated vote.

N.Korea has helped arm 6 Mideast nations: Israel.

Next President Should Take Nuclear Weapons Off Alert.

 

MISSILE RELATED ISSUES  

Air Force's New 'Killer Zombie' Drone.

Witness: Officer admitted taking missile device.

NKorea preparing to test new long-range missiles: report.

China Says $6.5 Billion U.S. Arms Sale to Taiwan Will Hurt Ties

 

OPINION / EDITORIAL

SASSI Policy Brief No. 11 - The Henry Hyde J. Act and the 123 Agreement: An Analysis.

 

ENERGY RELATED ISSUES

Russia's bid to control Caspian energy

The vicious Circle.

 

CHEMICAL & BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS RELATED ISSUES

Compound Could Help Detect Chemical, Biological Weapons At Long Distances

Israeli official warns of chemical warfare against Syria

 


SUMMARIES

 

NUCLEAR RELATED ISSUES

 

 

Iran criticizes US-India nuclear deal. TEHRAN, Iran: October 5, 2008 : Iran's official news agency says a U.S.-Indian nuclear agreement violates the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. IRNA agency quotes Mohammad Saeedi, deputy head of Iran's atomic energy department. Saeedi says nuclear-armed India has not signed the treaty and that transferring nuclear technology to India would undermine it. U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited India on Saturday to commemorate — but not sign — the deal. U.S. officials say they will respect the non-proliferation treaty. Washington says Iran's nuclear activities are designed to build a bomb. Iran says its program is peaceful.


Air Force Punishes Generals After Nuclear Arms Review (Update1) Sept. 25 (Bloomberg) -- The Air Force has disciplined six generals, including the former heads of logistics and missile acquisition, and nine lower-ranking officers for what it called the lax management of the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal. The punishments came after a review ordered by Defense Secretary Robert Gates. The investigation discovered lapses in the erroneous shipment to Taiwan of devices that arm nuclear weapons and in other instances going back a decade. The officers are not accused of ``intentional wrongdoing,'' Air Force Chief of Staff General Norton Schwartz told reporters at the Pentagon today. Still, ``the Air Force has no more solemn obligation than the security and reliability of the nation's nuclear arsenal,'' Schwartz said. ``These are good people with otherwise distinguished careers but they did not do enough to carry out their leadership responsibilities for nuclear oversight,'' Schwartz said.


 

Pakistan should convince world to sign nuclear deal like India   ISLAMABAD, Sep 24 (APP): Advisor on Science and Technology and Minister of State, Planning Commission of Pakistan Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad Wednesday said signing of Indo-US nuclear deal, the world has now opened its doors for most advanced technology to India therefore Pakistan should also try to convince international community to sign similar deals with Pakistan. He was addressing a seminar on ÒIndo-US Nuclear DealÓ her at Institute of Strategic Studies in collaboration with the South Asian Strategic Stability Institute.


 

Rice: US-India Nuclear Deal To Be Signed Soon. New Delhi - 04 October 2008: U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, on a visit to India, says a landmark civil nuclear agreement between the United States and India will be concluded soon. However, the two countries did not sign the deal during her visit. As Anjana Pasricha reports, the deal will overturn a three-decade ban on civil nuclear trade with India.


It is Not Suitable for Iran to Withdraw from Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Azerbaijan, Baku, 4 October/TrendNews, corr D. Ibrahimova, T. Jafarov/ Statements in the Iranian parliament about the possible suspension of cooperation with IAEA in the wake of resolutions of the UN Security Council and international sanctions, will not lead to IranÕs withdrawal from Non Proliferation Treaty. ÒI am doubtful whether Iran will withdraw from Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),Ó American expert Ayesha Jalal said. ÒIt will probably further accuse US of putting excessive pressure on IAEA and seek help of European countries in the development of its ÒpeacefulÓ nuclear programÓ. Foreign Minister of Iran Manuchehr Mottaki accused US of disseminating false information on the goal of IranÕs nuclear program and said Tehran is not going to stop cooperating with IAEA, Reuters reported on 3 October.

 


Chinese official: Challenges ahead in peaceful use of nuclear energy VIENNA, Oct. 4 (Xinhua) -- The international community has to pay greater attention to the challenges facing the rapidly growing civil nuclear projects, Chen Qiufa, director of Chinese Atomic Energy Agency, said in a recent interview with Xinhua. The Chinese official, who was here for a six-day General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) starting on Sept. 29, said that every country is entitled to the peaceful use of nuclear energy as long as it honors the obligation of nonproliferation. Amid spiraling oil prices and global warming, the international community has begun to re-evaluate the strategic role of nuclear power in energy security and take it as an important alternative energy source. The exploitation of nuclear power, however, poses many challenges, such as the safety of nuclear power plant, reliable supply of nuclear fuel, and safe disposal of nuclear waste, he said. How to prevent the nuclear technologies falling into the hands of terrorists is another major concern, he added.

 


IAEA calls for non-nuclear Mideast in heated vote. VIENNA (Reuters) - The U.N. nuclear assembly on Saturday passed a resolution urging all Middle East nations to renounce atom bombs in a vote most Arabs boycotted over amendments they felt took pressure off Israel.

The rare vote was 82-0 with 13 abstentions after days of wrangling between Israel and Western nations on one hand and Arab and Islamic states on the other that polarized a body that normally operates on consensus.

The decision at the annual assembly of the International Atomic Energy Agency was non-binding but highlighted deep tensions over Israel's presumed nuclear might and shunning of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). A similar resolution a year ago passed overwhelmingly last year but with 47 abstentions by Western and developing nations.


N.Korea has helped arm 6 Mideast nations: Israel. VIENNA (Reuters) - Sat Oct 4, 2008 - Israel accused North Korea on Saturday of providing weapons of mass destruction to six countries in the Middle East that ignored arms-control commitments. The Jewish state spoke as the 145-nation assembly of the U.N. nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, adopted a resolution unanimously urging North Korea to reverse steps it has taken to revive its shutdown atom bomb program. Israel itself is the target of two hotly disputed Arab-sponsored draft resolutions in the assembly urging it to give up its nuclear arms monopoly in the Middle East, join the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and accept full IAEA inspections.


Next President Should Take Nuclear Weapons Off Alert. September 29, 2008: Campaigns, and the media covering them, are continually (justly) criticized for trivialities and for ignoring important issues. One topic, which strangely no one ever mentions, but which is terrifying, is accidental nuclear war. The US has more than 20,000 nuclear weapons --- thousands ready to launch within minutes (!) [Carla Anne Robbins, NY Times, June 30, 2008, p. A18]. Of course Russia, for which control of nuclear weapons is weaker, has roughly the same. One accident, one mistake: our countries will be destroyed. And if we continue this long enough that will happen. What is the reason for this immensely dangerous policy? There isn't any. It is our policy and we are not giving it up. And thinking about all these missiles is a lot of fun. Although many will disagree the purpose of the military is to protect the country, not to satisfy the emotional needs of people who love (among others) weapons, and certainly not to endanger the country (no matter how thrilling that is). Actually this country does not need politicians to run it; what it badly needs is psychiatrists.


 

MISSILE RELATED ISSUES

 

Air Force's New 'Killer Zombie' Drone. October 04, 2008:  Armed Predator and Reaper drones have become the primary weapons in the fight against Pakistani militants. But they can be pricey;  the Reapers come in at around a hundred million dollars each. Which is why the Air Force is working on a cheaper option: killer zombies. Visit Davis-Monthan Air Force Base in Tucson, Arizona, and you'll see rows upon of obsolete F-4 Phantom II aircraft – or at least their gutted carcasses. This is the Aerospace Maintenance And Regeneration Center or AMARC -- whatever you do, don't call it the Boneyard. For many years, it has been common practice to resurrect these deceased planes as QF-4 unmanned drones, so that they can have a brief and undignified existence as "full-scale aerial targets." Everything in the inventory -- from Sidewinder missiles to Patriots -- have been tested on one at some point, even though some find it "kind of hard to shoot at such a magnificent aircraft."


Witness: Officer admitted taking missile device. MINOT, N.D. (AP) 1st. October 2008 — An Air Force supervisor says a Minot Air Force Base officer admitted taking a missile launch control device as a souvenir because he thought it would be "a cool thing to have." The Air Force is holding a hearing on the evidence against Capt. Paul Borowiecki (bor-oh-WIK'-ee), a missile combat crew member assigned to the base's 91st Missile Wing. The domino-sized device is now obsolete but Borowiecki's supervisor says had the technology been compromised, it could have accidentally detonated a nuclear missile. The 27-year-old is accused of taking the device in 2005, rather than destroying it as required. Officials say he admitted the theft in May and returned the device.


NKorea preparing to test new long-range missiles: report. SEOUL (AFP) 2nd. October 2008 — North Korea has been upgrading a missile launch site on its east coast in preparation for a test launch of a new long-range missile, a news report said Thursday. South Korea's Dong-A Ilbo newspaper, citing intelligence sources, said activities at Musudan-ri on the coast of North Hamkyong province are focussed on upgrading the site with new equipment or building new facilities. Intelligence authorities believe this indicates the North is preparing to test-fire a new long-range ballistic missile, an advanced model of the Taepodong-2 which can theoretically hit the US west coast, Dong-A said. The North alarmed its neighbours by test-launching a Taepodong-1 from Musudan-ri in 1998 over Japan. It test-launched a Taepodong-2 from the same missile site in 2006 but the missile failed. North Korea has replaced a tower on the launch pad and reinforced missile supports, it quoted an intelligence source as saying. It was also reportedly expanding facilities for assembling missile parts and for inspections.


 

China Says $6.5 Billion U.S. Arms Sale to Taiwan Will Hurt Ties Oct. 5 (Bloomberg) -- China protested a proposed U.S. sale of $6.46 billion of weapons to Taiwan, saying it would ``seriously damage'' U.S.-China relations. ``The Chinese government and people firmly oppose this action,'' said Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao in a statement late yesterday. The arms sale interferes in China's internal affairs and endangers its security, Liu said. While Liu called for the sale to be canceled and reiterated China's position that Taiwan is part of its territory, he also said that ``nobody could stop'' a new chapter of peace in relations with the island. China and Taiwan have been administered separately since 1949 and still haven't formally ended their civil war.

 


 

OPINION / EDITORIAL

 

SASSI Policy Brief 11

(September 2008)

Maria Sultan &Mian Behzad Adil[1]

 

The Henry Hyde J. Act and the 123 Agreement: An Analysis.

 

 The approval by the US Congress will be the last step in the conclusion of the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal[2]. Following which President George .W. Bush signature will be the final seal of approval required to make IndiaÕs entry into the nuclear club a de jure reality. This reality has followed a long and treacherous route with its inception in the Henry .J. Hyde Act and the controversial 123 Agreement.

The U.S. Atomic Energy Act was amended by the Henry J. Hyde Act of December 2006. This allowed the U.S. administration to conclude a 123 agreement with India for commencing nuclear trade between Washington and New Delhi. The 123 agreement provides the operational basis for the Indo-US nuclear deal and lays the foundation for the eventual law that would allow US companies to commence nuclear trade with India. However it is the congress which holds the greatest importance in the Indo-US nuclear saga; it can be the only impediment to an already slam dunk nuclear future for the two states.

The U.S. Congressmen will be looking for any inconsistencies between the Hyde Act and the 123 agreement before any final decision is made. In the year long negotiations over the final terms of the pact, it appeared that the Indian government had been set to seek exceptions or privileges before it allowed international access to its nuclear market. In several matters the sought privileges went beyond most of other 123 agreements the U.S. has concluded with foreign governments. This policy brief lists the concessions granted to India in the 123 agreement and its comparison with the provisions in the Hyde Act.

The present research attempts to compare the Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement. It has three sections. The first section discusses concessions granted to India in the 123 agreement in the areas of nuclear tests, fuel assurances, and fuel reprocessing. Second section details the provisions in the Hyde Act regarding the above stated issues. Finally, the Indo-US deal has been analyzed in the context of its implications for the regional security environment and the international non-proliferation regime.

 

Concessions to India:

 

Nuclear Tests: IndiaÕs right to conduct nuclear tests was one thing the Indian negotiators fought for. Although India pledged in July 2005 to continue a nuclear testing moratorium, New Delhi opposed any explicit provision in the 123 agreement terminating cooperation if it conducts a nuclear test in the future. Such termination provisions are standard features of U.S. agreements with non-nuclear-weapon states.

The U.S.-Indian agreement does not contain the word Òtest,Ó nor is there an automatic trigger to cease cooperation for any activity or violation by either country. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 13 Aug 2007 asserted the pact Òdoes not in any way affect IndiaÕs right to undertake future nuclear tests.Ó India could choose to test, according to U.S. officials, but that does not mean that there would not be repercussions. India has a sovereign right to test but that, under U.S. law, the president would have Òthe right to end the agreement.Ó

Article 2 of the 123 agreement maintains that countries will implement cooperation Òin accordance with itsÉ national laws.Ó The U.S. Atomic Energy Act mandates an end to nuclear trade with a non-nuclear-weapon state that conducts a nuclear test. The president could waive such a termination but Congress has the power to nullify that waiver by passing a resolution in opposition.

 

Right of Return of Nuclear Exports: U.S. law also holds that Washington retains a right of return of its nuclear exports if the recipient conducts a nuclear test. But India fought against including such a provision. The agreement does authorize each country to seek a right of return in the event that it chooses to terminate the agreement, which requires one yearÕs notice in writing and consultations before taking effect. But the agreement also aims to dissuade such a move by stressing that Òexercising the right of return would have profound implicationsÓ on the two countriesÕ relations.

 

Fuel Assurances: Another unique feature is the inclusion of Òfuel assurancesÓ for India. These provisions commit the United States to ÒsupportÓ New Delhi in establishing a Òstrategic fuel reserveÓ in case foreign fuel supplies are ever halted. In such an event, the United States pledged to assist India in acquiring nuclear fuel supplies from other sources.

The 123 agreement specifies that the U.S. fuel assurances apply to Òany disruption.Ó Some interpretations, however, hold that for U.S. to fulfill its pledge the disruption need come from sources beyond India control, e.g. market disruptions or inability on the part any American company to fulfill its promise (Answers to the 45 questions provided on 16 July 2008). Moreover, President Bush has said the U.S. fuel assurances to India are only Òpolitical commitmentsÓ and shall not be mistaken for binding legal obligations.

 

Fuel Reprocessing: In addition to fuel assurances, New Delhi secured a U.S. commitment in principle to permit India to reprocess U.S.-origin spent fuel. Reprocessing involves the separation of plutonium from nuclear fuel after it has been used in a reactor. The U.S. policy is to deny countries advance reprocessing rights because it is considered proliferation risk (plutonium can be used to make nuclear weapons). By securing this right of reprocessing U.S.-origin spent fuel India has become the third country in the privileged league that formerly comprised only Japan and the European consortium EURATOM.

However, for this India would be required to construct a new reprocessing facility under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards to handle U.S.-origin spent fuel, as well as that of other countries. Furthermore, it would require that both governments agree on Òarrangements and proceduresÓ under which India will be allowed to reprocess U.S.-origin spent fuel. The anticipated period for such talks to begin after a request by either party is six months and should conclude within one year.

The agreement also provides the option for the two countries to conclude future arrangements to trade reprocessing and enrichment technologies. The Hyde Act limits such transfers to India to the limited scenarios in which the recipient is a multinational facility involved in an IAEA-approved project or a facility involved in a multinational project to develop a Òproliferation-resistant fuel cycle.Ó However, the 123 agreement is silent on this point. Essentially US concessions to India under the 123 Agreement cover three points:

¤  the right to terminate the Agreement if India conducts a nuclear test;

¤  assurances of the supply of nuclear fuel to India in the event that India suffers a disruption in supply; and

¤  the reprocessing of spent fuel produced from US-origin nuclear fuel.

¤   

Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement

 

The Henry Hyde Act gave the Bush Administration authority to waive certain requirements of the US law in order to permit civilian nuclear cooperation between the US and India. The legislation required that any resulting agreement could only be implemented with congressional approval. Therefore it is considered as an enabling Act.

There are some inconsistencies between the Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement. There are things that are spelled out in the Hyde Act but not in the 123 agreement (such as the testing issue). Again, the Hyde Act provided waivers for certain provisions of the 1954 Atomic Energy Act and not for others. For example, it provided a waiver to halt exports to India after the 1998 nuclear test, but it does not make clear that U.S. nuclear assistance/exports will be suspended in case India tests again.

There are certain provisions of the 123 agreement that don't appear to meet the requirements of the Hyde Act or Atomic Energy Act. For example, giving India long-term, advance consent to reprocess is not in sync with congressional intentions when the Atomic Energy Act (AEA) was amended in 1978 to include "prior approval" to reprocess U.S.-origin spent fuel. 

Similarly, Section 123 a. (4) of the Atomic Energy Act requires that the US has the right of return if a non-nuclear weapon state conducts a nuclear weapon test, or terminates or abrogates an IAEA safeguards agreement. The section regarding termination of cooperation or the right of return in the 123 agreement with India does not mention any of these circumstances. Rather, it urges both parties to take into account whether there is a changed security environment or whether actions (i.e., tests) were in response to similar actions by other states.

Furthermore, the fuel assurances spelt out in the 123 agreement seemingly contradict the Òsense of CongressÓ portion of the Hyde Act. Although nonbinding, it is significant in terms of being a general Congressional guidance on the matter. It states that the United States Òshould not seek to facilitate or encourage the continuation of nuclear exports to India by any other partyÓ if the United States ends cooperation under law. In addition, the U.S. legislators in a joint explanation of the Hyde Act noted that any fuel assurances should be relevent to disruptions caused by Òmarket failures or similar reasons, and not due to Indian actionsÓ violating its commitmenst.

The Hyde Act is also clear on the issue of letting India develop a Òstrategic fuel reserveÓ—something spelled out in both the 123 agreement and the India-IAEA safeguards agreement. India vigorously pursued the inclusion of this provision in both the agreement to safeguard itself against any future fuel disruptions (India was denied fuel for its Tarapur reactor after in detonated a nuclear device in 1974). The Hyde Act clearly states that Òany nuclearÉ..fuel reserve provided toÉ..IndiaÉ..should be commensurate with reasonable reactor operating requirements.Ó

 

Conclusion

The Indo-US nuclear deal had to pass through various stages before it reached where it is now. These include the Indian Nuclear Separation Plan (March 2006), the Hyde Act (December 2006), the 123 Agreement (August 2007), India-IAEA safeguards agreement (August 2008), and ultimately a waiver by the NSG (September 2008). There have been differences of opinion with regards to interpretation of the terms of reference and their respective understanding with regards to these various agreements and arrangements including the Indian propensity to conduct nuclear tests; fuel assurances; development of strategic fuel reserves; and transfer of technology. Political statements by both the parties are instrumental in giving insight into the way the deal is likely to be implemented in effect.

Thus while the Indian side insists on its right to conduct nuclear tests in the future, the U.S. and other NSG member countriesÕ interpretation of the arrangements suggests an understanding that a future Indian nuclear test is most likely to result in the termination of agreement(in case New Delhi chooses to exercise that right). Likewise, on the question of fuel assurances to India there appears divergence in understanding for US considers Ôconditions of supplyÕ as an indication of political good will and part of US Òpolitical commitmentsÓ having no legal connotations or legal obligations. Conversely, the Indian perspective on the issue is that it is a necessary condition of supply and can lead to a termination of agreement by India if need be so. Similarly on the issue of Ôtransfer of sensitive technology to IndiaÕ, there appears/ exists a near consensus or a shared opinion within the NSG member states to exercise Òutmost restraintÓ for the transfer of technology to the recipient.

Despite these reservations or other points of divergence exhibited by the Indian position on the issue caused due to New DelhiÕs interpretation of the various provisions in the agreement, nothing has stopped the de jure acceptance of India in the nuclear club. Today, the international non-proliferation community is once again poised to see the passage of India to come to age as a legally accepted nuclear weapon state with full rights to the global nuclear trade. In this context the last stage of U.S. Congressional approval may prove to be the only impediment to this acceptance. The Congress that is scheduled to adjourn by 26 September has apparently decided not to follow its tradition 30 day discussion period in the case of Indo-US deal hence creating a window of opportunity for the US and India-nuclear deal lobbyists to  get the law passed within the US congress with least amount of friction. In what appears to be positive development for India, some media reports indicate that, given the economic stabilization package that is being worked on, the Congress may not formally adjourn on September 26 but extend for a week until October 3. In the face of this challenging and interesting move to the success and ascent of India as the new nuclear state, the world is not sure whether the Congress can be a serious impediment. Nonetheless, the future of the non-proliferation regime and the strategic stability within South Asia will be dependent on the US Congress to be the devilÕs advocate to an already sure victory.


ENERGY RELATED ISSUES

 

Russia's bid to control Caspian energy October 4, 2008: RUSSIA'S INVASION of Georgia in August inflicted a potentially severe blow to global energy security by threatening export routes for Caspian energy. Russian President Medvedev's declaration on Aug. 31 that Moscow has "privileged interests" - read, a sphere of influence - in bordering countries underscores that Moscow's aims stretch beyond Georgia. Among the targets are the major producers of Caspian energy - Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. Russia seeks a de facto veto over Caspian energy. This is important because the Caspian Basin holds some of the largest reserves of conventional oil and gas in the world after the Persian Gulf and Siberia. Moreover, Georgia is a pivot of the "new Silk Road," a vital link to world export markets avoiding Russia's control.

Over 1 million barrels of oil per day are shipped from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan across Georgia to its Black Sea ports, and via the large Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline to the Turkish port of Ceyhan on the Mediterranean Sea, where supertankers operate. Exports through Georgia were to increase to around 2 million barrels per day, and could eventually include significant volumes of natural gas. With world oil consumption at 85 million barrels per day, these volumes can affect world supplies and prices. Moscow wants Caspian energy to flow only through channels it controls, and hence it wishes Georgia to be permanently vulnerable. Russian military forces have shown they can roam in Georgia and block its ports.


The vicious Circle. October 2, 2008: At the time of the First World War, Winston Churchill formulated the fundamental principle of energy security as follows: "Safety and certainty in oil lie in variety and variety alone." While the actual concept of "energy security" appeared only much later - during the oil crises of the 1970s - the wisdom of his words is widely regarded to this day as immutable. But in recent years, the tendency to put all one's eggs in one basket has increasingly undermined the long-term security of natural-gas supplies. Producers and consumers have been recklessly playing at "lose-lose." The issue has become one of the most heatedly discussed items on the international agenda, even though the proportion of gas crossing international borders is far lower than that of oil (28 percent and 58 percent respectively). There are objective reasons for this: As gas markets integrate and develop, an ever more important role in the security of deliveries is assumed not only by technological factors, but by institutional factors: the differences in regulation of gas markets in different countries; conflicts of national interests; the problems of making investments at the inter-governmental level. The development of transcontinental markets and the need to transport gas through several countries makes the question of secure transit ever more acute.

 

 

CHEMICAL & BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS RELATED ISSUES

 

 

Compound Could Help Detect Chemical, Biological Weapons At Long Distances ScienceDaily (Sep. 28, 2008) — A light-transmitting compound that could one day be used in high-efficiency fiber optics and in sensors to detect biological and chemical weapons at long distance almost went undiscovered by scientists because its structure was too difficult to examine. Luckily, scientists from U.S. Department of Energy's Argonne National Laboratory and Northwestern University were able to determine the structure of the compound using the uniquely suited Chemistry and Materials beamline of the Center for Advanced Radiation Sources (ChemMatCARS) at the Advanced Photon Source. "Like other such materials, this material has an electrically polarized structure. The incident light interacts with the electron cloud and in the process is disturbed," Argonne scientist Mercouri Kanatzidis said. "The disturbance changes the wavelength of the emitted light and creates two beams: the original and the second harmonic — a beam with half the wavelength and double the frequency." This second-harmonic beam is 15 times more intense than that produced by the best current material. This two-for-one wavelength boost is paired with greater transparency, so the material can actually transmit the whole higher-wavelength beam. This could have eventual real-world applications in identifying biological and chemical weapons at long distances and in optical communications.


Israeli official warns of chemical warfare against Syria. RAMALLAH: 18th September 2008: A senior Israeli defense official warned that any future military conflict with Syria may include chemical warfare and fighting against guerrilla and regular army forces, a report said yesterday. The Israeli daily Yediot Ahronot quoted Maj. Gen. Avi Mizrahi, head of the GOC Army Headquarters, as saying during the Land Maneuver in the 21st Century conference that ÒSyria has a large, equipped and trained regular army, and lately we have identified some guerilla activity in its ranks.Ó The report came a day after Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem said that the fifth round of Turkish-mediated peace talks between Syria and Israel this week has been postponed at IsraelÕs request. But alongside the optimism surrounding the indirect talks with Syria, Israel is gearing up for a far more pessimistic scenario, with senior military officials estimating that the Jewish state would face a major missile threat should a conflict break out. As for the possibility of a preemptive strike, Mizrahi said Òif the air force can prevent (Syrian) forces from making their way to the front lines, this will help our forces.Ó The general added that a future military confrontation with Syria may include chemical warfare.


 

 



South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI)

The South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI) is an independent think tank dedicated to promoting peace and stability in the South Asian region. SASSI contributes to the international debate on contemporary South Asian security issues through this and other substantive products.

Journal of South Asian Nonproliferation Issues

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[1] Mian Behzad Adil is a Research Fellow at the South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI).

[2] The deal was announced by President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in their joint statement on 18 July 2005.